Previous Topics Related To This Game Project:
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Help in Creating Middle Eastern Game*
Representing Democracy In Video GamesI decided to start this topic because these two threads were inactive...and the name given to these two threads might not attract the necessary "hype" needed to make the game attractive for other people to play.
"Diwaniyah" is...exactly as the thread title claim it is. It's heavily inspired by Hidden Agenda, even copying its original premise of the game: you overthrew a unpopular dictator hated by everyone and took over. Diwaniyah is not a real country...it's a combination of several Middle Eastern "republics" such as Iraq, Iran, Syria, Libya, Egypt, etc, just like how Chimerica is a combination of Haiti, Nicaragua, Guatemala, El Salvador, Cuba, etc.
Unlike Hidden Agenda though, your own regime starts off very unpopular, and there's a dedicated insurgency trying to take you out. You also don't preside over a democracy-in-transition; Diwaniyah is a one-party government ruled by the Arab Socialist Union...however, you can decide to slowly liberalize your regime.
I'm probably thinking of creating a demo showing the first couple of issues you can deal with, but until then, here are the Six "Native" Factions you have to deal with when you're running Diwaniyah (there's also three superpowers that can intervene in the affairs of Diwaniyah as well: USA, USSR, and the 'Arab Street'...but they're honestly self-explanatory).
Though the Arab Socialist Union claimed to embrace Islam in theory, relationships between Islamists and the central government were tense. Most Islamists denounced the ASU as an secular, communist organization, while Rifaat ordered numerous arrests and executions of Islamist leaders. Still, at least a few Islamist leaders, such as Iman Sameer, cooperated with the ASU and defended Islamic Socialism, however weakly. Iman Sameer was appointed the Minister of Religious Endowments for his services to Rifaat, but he would later aid the Corrective Revolution in the hopes of replacing Rifaat with a leader more willing to support Islam. In private, Iman Sameer expressed increasing concern about the rise of violent Islamist terrorist organizations, and believed that only gradual Islamist reforms could save Diwaniyah from turmoil.
EDIT: I am considering changing the name of the "Islamist" faction to the "Religious" faction though...
EDIT2: Decided to change the "Islamist" faction to the "Al-Shari'ah Group" ("an self-styled apolitical organization dedicated to ensuring that the Diwaniyah Republic adopted Islamic practices and norms").
The Pre-1958 Aristocracy had played a major role in Diwaniyah's agricultural and industrial sectors and was a firm supporter of capitalism and the British-backed monarchy. After the 1958 Revolution, the Arab Socialist Union ruthlessly attacked the Aristocracy, stripping them of all political power and paving the way for a socialist takeover of the economy. However, the ASU also realized that it could not alienate the Aristocracy entirely, lest Diwaynah loses valuable agricultural and industrial expertise. As a result, Rifaat reluctantly appointed Malak Sayyid, the leader of the pre-1958 Aristocracy, to the Minister of Agriculture. Malak Sayyid believed that the socialist experiments were a failure, and attempted to roll back the excesses of nationalization and land reform. However, Malak was opposed at every turn by Rifaat, and eventually Malak backed the Corrective Revolution in hopes of replacing Rifaat with someone who could promote economic liberalization (while restoring some measure of prestige and influence to the Aristocracy which he leads).
Most of Diwaniyah's Intellectuals were die-hard liberals, generally in favor of establishing a democratic order based on minority rights, a free market economy and an extensive welfare system. They were supportive of the 1958 Revolution and of Arab nationalism, but was very critical of the Rifaat dictatorship and backed numerous underground movements to overthrow him. The leader of the intellectuals, a charsimsatic Kurdish professor named `Gohar Feresed, was arrested during a crackdown by Rifaat. Feresed was later freed after the Corrective Revolution and appointed Minister of Education as part of the new regime. Feresed believed in gradual reformation of the Diwaniyah regime, in sharp contrast to the more radical liberals who advocate for revolution (either violent or nonviolent).
The Diwaniyah Military considered itself to be the primary guardian of the nation, responsible for intervening when the 'civilian' leadership failed. Established by King Yakub Saleem to fight against peasent rebellions, the lower ranks of the Military eventually came to the conclusion that as long as King Yakub himself was in power, corruption and civil disorder was inevitable. The military also resented King Yakub's subservience to British interests and desired a future where Diwaniyah would be strong and independent. Led by General Boulous and Colonel Rifaat, the military overthrew the puppet monarchy and established the Diwaniyah Republic. General Boulous became the new Minister of Defense, and used his control of the army to ensure social stability and turn Diwaniyah into a regional power. Major Boulous originally was very loyal to the Arab Socialist Union, but the June 1967 War (and the resulting Decade of Despair) caused Major Boulous to view Rifaat as a liability that had to be removed if the Diwaniyah Republic was to survive. After the Corrective Revolution, General Boulous kept his position, and hoped that the new regime makes "national security" a top priority.
The Hardliners trace their beliefs to the early days of the Arab Socialist Union, back when it was an opposition party funded by Gamal Abdel Nasser. The Hardliners believed that the ASU has a duty and responsibility to rule Diwaniyah as a progressive single-party state. This autocracy was justified as a part of a ongoing process of modernization and revolutionary reform needed to turn Diwaniyah into a regional power, but critics view the Hardliners as power-hungry bureaucrats desiring to uphold a corrupt status quo. Rifaat was a major Hardliner, but his increasingly erractic and paranoid policies distanced himself from most laymen Hardliners (who began openly speculating that Rifaat was undermining the ASU and centralizing power for himself). Salil, a minor intelligence officer and the brother of President ${NAME}, helped secure the support of the Hardliners during the Corrective Revolution, promising that he will help guarantee the power of the ASU. As he personally assisted in the capture of Rifaat, Saili was awarded the position of Minister of the Interior and placed in charge of the Diwaniyah Secret Police.
The Populists provided the ideological foundation and framework of the Arab Socialist Union, back when it was still an opposition party funded by Gamal Abdel Nasser. Inspired by European leftist thinkers, the Populists called for a radical reformation of Diwaniyah society based on the prinicples of social and economic equality. "Only a socialist revolution based on the priniciples of Nasserism," the Populists claimed, "can free the Arab people from the disaters of Western imperialism and the perils of Secular Communism." Their leader, Abu al-Fadl Tarek, was appointed Minister of Industry and was responsible for the ASU's nationalization and land reform policies. Tarek tolerated Rifaat's dictatorship for a time, but lived in constant fear that Rifaat would begin a policy of economic liberalization and reverse the gains the Populists had fought for. Therefore, Tarek defected to the Corrective Revolution, hoping that the new regime would be a more reliable defender of leftist ideology than Rifaat.